![政府論（全英文原版） [The Second Treatise of Government]](https://pic.tinynews.org/12192041/59c12061N48f6ef91.jpg)
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內容簡介
《政府論》是英國約翰·洛剋(John Locke)於1690年齣版的政治著作,其匯集瞭洛剋的主要政治哲學思想,不僅使洛剋成為古典自由主義思想的集大成者,而且對於後世的現實政治産生瞭深遠的影響。該書分為上下兩篇,上篇集中駁斥瞭當時占統治地位的君權神授說和王位世襲論,下篇係統地闡述瞭公民政府的真正起源、範圍、目的。全書齣色完成瞭為英國資産階級革命辯護的任務,對英國政治、經濟的發展起到瞭巨大的推動作用。《政府論》被譽為“近代資産階級革命的《聖經》”,至今仍被學者們視為可同亞裏士多德的《政治學》相媲美的政治學經典著作。
古人有雲：朝聞道，夕死可矣。人是社會動物，都有窺探社會組織架構、瞭解社會組織形態的好奇心和衝動。而現代社會更多脫胎於始於歐洲的資産階級革命，要想做這方麵的探究，和偉人直接對話是一條捷徑。這就是這套原版的社科經典叢書的編輯初衷。不管你是學哲學的學生，還是從事社會科學研究的學者，不讀幾部經典原著，不在書架上擺上一套經典原著，應該是人生的一大憾事。
作者簡介
約翰 洛剋，英國哲學傢。他主張宗教寬容，開創瞭經驗主義，是第1個全麵闡述憲政民主思想以及提倡人的“自然權利”的哲學傢，其政治理念深遠地影響瞭美國、法國、英國以及其他的西方國傢。
目錄
The Preface 001
CHAPTER 1 004
CHAPTER 2 Of the State of Nature 006
CHAPTER 3 Of the State of Wa 015
CHAPTER 4 Of Slavery 020
CHAPTER 5 Of Property 022
CHAPTER 6 Of Paternal Powe 039
CHAPTER 7 Of Political or Civil Society 056
CHAPTER 8 Of the Beginning of Political Societies 069
CHAPTER 9 Of the Ends of Political Society and Government 088
CHAPTER 10 Of the Forms of a Commonwealth 092
CHAPTER 11 Of the Extent of the Legislative Power 094
CHAPTER 12 Of the Legislative, Executive, and Federative Power of the Commonwealth 103
CHAPTER 13 Of the Subordination of the Powers of the Commonwealth 106
CHAPTER 14 Of Prerogative 115
CHAPTER 15 Of Paternal, Political, and Despotical Power, Considered Togethe 122
CHAPTER 16 Of Conquest 126
CHAPTER 17.Of Usurpation 140
CHAPTER 18 Of Tyranny 142
CHAPTER 19 Of the Dissolution of Government 150
精彩書摘
SECOND TREATISE OF GOVERNMENT：
AN ESSAY CONCERNING THE TRUE ORIGINAL,
EXTENT AND END OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT
BY JOHN LOCKE
The Preface
Reader, thou hast here the beginning and end of a discourse concerning government; what fate has otherwise disposed of the papers that should have filled up the middle, and were more than all the rest, it is not worth while to tell thee. These, which remain, I hope are sufficient to establish the throne of our great restorer, our present King William; to make good his title, in the consent of the people, which being the only one of all lawful governments, he has more fully and clearly, than any prince in Christendom; and to justify to the world the people of England, whose love of their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was on the very brink of slavery and ruin. If these papers have that evidence, I flatter myself is to be found in them, there will be no great miss of those which are lost, and my reader may be satisfied without them: for I imagine, I shall have neither the time, nor inclination to repeat my pains, and fill up the wanting part of my answer, by tracing Sir Robert again, through all the windings and obscurities, which are to be met with in the several branches of his wonderful system. The king, and body of the nation, have since so thoroughly confuted his Hypothesis, that I suppose no body hereafter will have either the confidence to appear against our common safety, and be again an advocate for slavery; or the weakness to be deceived with contradictions dressed up in a popular stile, and well-turned periods: for if any one will be at the pains, himself, in those parts, which are here untouched, to strip Sir Robert's discourses of the flourish of doubtful expressions, and endeavour to reduce his words to direct, positive, intelligible propositions, and then compare them one with another, he will quickly be satisfied, there was never so much glib nonsense put together in well-sounding English. If he think it not worth while to examine his works all thro', let him make an experiment in that part, where he treats of usurpation; and let him try, whether he can, with all his skill, make Sir Robert intelligible, and consistent with himself, or common sense. I should not speak so plainly of a gentleman, long since past answering, had not the pulpit, of late years, publicly owned his doctrine, and made it the current divinity of the times. It is necessary those men, who taking on them to be teachers, have so dangerously misled others, should be openly shewed of what authority this their Patriarch is, whom they have so blindly followed, that so they may either retract what upon so ill grounds they have vented, and cannot be maintained; or else justify those principles which they preached up for gospel; though they had no better an author than an English courtier: for I should not have writ against Sir Robert, or taken the pains to shew his mistakes, inconsistencies, and want of (what he so much boasts of, and pretends wholly to build on) scripture-proofs, were there not men amongst us, who, by crying up his books, and espousing his doctrine, save me from the reproach of writing against a dead adversary. They have been so zealous in this point, that, if I have done him any wrong, I cannot hope they should spare me. I wish, where they have done the truth and the public wrong, they would be as ready to redress it, and allow its just weight to this reflection, viz. that there cannot be done a greater mischief to prince and people, than the propagating wrong notions concerning government; that so at last all times might not have reason to complain of the Drum Ecclesiastic. If any one, concerned really for truth, undertake the confutation of my Hypothesis, I promise him either to recant my mistake, upon fair conviction; or to answer his difficulties. But he must remember two things.
First, That cavilling here and there, at some expression, or little incident of my discourse, is not an answer to my book.
Secondly, That I shall not take railing for arguments, nor think either of these worth my notice, though I shall always look on myself as bound to give satisfaction to any one, who shall appear to be conscientiously scrupulous in the point, and shall shew any just grounds for his scruples.
I have nothing more, but to advertise the reader, that Observations stands for Observations on Hobbs, Milton, &c.; and that a bare quotation of pages always means pages of his Patriarcha, Edition 1680.
CHAPTER I
Sect. 1. It having been shewn in the foregoing discourse,That Adam had not, either by natural right of fatherhood, or by positive donation from God, any such authority over his children, or dominion over the world, as is pretended:
That if he had, his heirs, yet, had no right to it:
That if his heirs had, there being no law of nature nor positive law of God that determines which is the right heir in all cases that may arise, the right of succession, and consequently of bearing rule, could not have been certainly determined:
That if even that had been determined, yet the knowledge of which is the eldest line of Adam's posterity, being so long since utterly lost, that in the races of mankind and families of the world, there remains not to one above another, the least pretence to be the eldest house, and to have the right of inheritance:
All these premises having, as I think, been clearly made out, it is impossible that the rulers now on earth should make any benefit, or derive any the least shadow of authority from that, which is held to be the fountain of all power, Adam's private dominion and paternal jurisdiction; so that he that will not give just occasion to think that all government in the world is the product only of force and violence, and that men live together by no other rules but that of beasts, where the strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorder and mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion, (things that the followers of that hypothesis so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than what Sir Robert Filmer hath taught us.
Sect. 2. To this purpose, I think it may not be amiss, to set down what I take to be political power; that the power of a MAGISTRATE over a subject may be distinguished from that of a FATHER over his children, a MASTER over his servant, a HUSBAND over his wife, and a LORD over his slave. All which distinct powers happening sometimes together in the same man, if he be considered under these different relations, it may help us to distinguish these powers one from wealth, a father of a family, and a captain of a galley.
Sect. 3. POLITICAL POWER, then, I take to be a RIGHT of making laws with penalties of death, and consequently all less penalties, for the regulating and preserving of property, and of employing the force of the community, in the execution of such laws, and in the defence of the commonwealth from foreign injury; and all this only for the public good.
用戶評價
這部著作的問世，無疑為政治哲學領域投下瞭一枚重磅炸彈，它以一種近乎顛覆性的姿態，挑戰瞭自古以來關於權力閤法性與人民主權的核心命題。閱讀過程中，我時常感到一種思想上的強烈衝擊，作者對於自然狀態的細緻描摹，以及由此推導齣的個體權利的不可剝奪性，構建瞭一個邏輯嚴密、令人信服的理論框架。特彆是他對財産權起源的論述，巧妙地將勞動與所有權直接掛鈎，這不僅僅是一個經濟學的觀點，更深層次上，它為現代自由主義奠定瞭堅實的哲學基石。我注意到作者在論證過程中展現齣的那種古典的理性主義光輝，他似乎相信人類的心智能夠通過純粹的邏輯推理，抵達普遍且永恒的政治真理。這種對理性至上的推崇，在後世看來或許略顯理想化，但在那個特定的曆史語境下，卻是一種振聾發聵的呼喊，要求所有統治者都必須接受理性的審視與檢驗。這部作品的魅力，就在於它提供瞭一套完整的、自洽的體係，用以衡量和批判現存的統治權威，促使每一個手握權力的人，都必須正視其權力的根源是否紮根於被統治者的真實同意。
評分這部作品的敘事節奏把握得非常巧妙，它不是一步到位的宣告，而是一個層層遞進的、引人入勝的推理過程。從最基本的個體存在齣發，通過對“同意”的反復界定，逐步推導齣國傢形成的必要性，直至最後論證公民在何種情況下有權廢除現有政府，整個過程如同一部精心設計的邏輯迷宮，引導讀者按圖索驥，最終抵達對“有限政府”的必然結論。這種由內而外、由微觀到宏觀的建構方式，體現瞭那個時代啓濛思想傢們對清晰、有序的理性世界的追求。閱讀時，我常常需要停下來，細細咀嚼那些關於“默示同意”或“多數人統治”的微妙之處，因為正是這些細微的定義，決定瞭整個理論大廈的穩固與否。總的來說，它是一部需要讀者投入心力去跟進作者思路的經典，但迴報是豐厚的——它提供瞭一套獨立思考政治閤法性的強大工具。
評分初讀此書，最大的感受是其文本的穿透力和時代感。盡管這部作品誕生於數個世紀之前，但其中探討的諸多議題，比如政府的職能邊界、公民抵抗的權利，乃至自由與秩序之間的永恒張力，至今仍是各國政治辯論的核心議題。作者的論證方式極其狡黠而有力，他似乎總能繞過那些陳舊的、基於神授君權的辯護，直接切入到個體生命的體驗和對暴政的恐懼之中。那種對“公權力濫用”的警惕，幾乎是滲透在每一頁的字裏行間，讀來令人不寒而栗，又深感共鳴。這絕非一本空泛的學院派理論，它帶著鮮明的實踐色彩和對現實政治的深刻洞察。我特彆欣賞作者在闡述社會契約論時的那種近乎直覺的清晰感，他沒有陷入繁復的形而上學糾纏，而是用一種近乎常識的語言，構建起瞭一個人民授權的邏輯鏈條。這種直截瞭當，使得其思想更容易被不同文化背景的讀者所接受和理解，即便在今天，它依然是衡量一場革命或改革是否具有正當性的重要參照係。
評分在閱讀過程中，我嘗試去理解作者所處的時代背景，一個君主專製與新興資産階級力量激烈碰撞的時代。這種曆史的張力，極大地影響瞭這部作品的結構和傾嚮性。作者在構建其理論體係時，顯然是帶著強烈的目的性，那就是為新興的政治訴求提供一個堅不可摧的哲學盾牌。然而，令人稱奇的是，他的論證並未因此顯得片麵或帶有強烈的黨派色彩，反而形成瞭一種超越時空限製的普適性。例如，他對“立法權”與“執行權”的分立原則的強調，雖然在後世的實踐中被不斷地修正和完善，但在其提齣的那一刻，無疑是劃時代的遠見。這種對權力製衡的早期構想，顯示瞭作者卓越的政治智慧。閱讀時，我仿佛能聽到那個時代知識分子對暴政的不滿和對更美好社會形態的迫切嚮往，這種曆史的迴響，使得這部著作的閱讀體驗遠超一般理論書籍的枯燥感。
評分這本書的語言風格，與其說是一種嚴肅的哲學論述，不如說更像是一篇經過精心打磨的、針對當時政治體製的“檄文”。行文之中，那種剋製而又暗流湧動的激情，是其引人入勝的關鍵。作者在描述自然人如何一步步邁嚮政治共同體的過程中，所采用的修辭技巧極為高超，他不斷地通過對比“自由”與“奴役”、“理性選擇”與“專製強加”來強化讀者的情感傾嚮。我發現，即便跳齣曆史背景，僅僅將其視為一部關於“權力限製”的教科書，它依然價值連城。它教導我們，真正的自由並非為所欲為，而是在一個明確且被同意的法律框架內行事，而這個框架的製定權，最終必須迴歸到個體手中。對我個人而言，最受啓發的是他對政府職能的嚴格限定——政府的唯一目的就是保護個人的自然權利，一旦它偏離這個核心使命，那麼它自身的存在閤法性便開始瓦解。這種對公權力的不信任感，是這部作品最寶貴的遺産之一。
評分好
評分標題有漏印，英語單詞的排版有錯，好像是盜版
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評分不錯 正在看
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評分不錯 正在看
評分不錯
評分標題有漏印，英語單詞的排版有錯，好像是盜版
評分不錯
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