內容簡介
《世界政治與國際關係原版影印叢書·學術精品係列·國傢間政治:權力鬥爭與和平(簡明版)(英文影印版)》一書明確提齣瞭以權力界定的國傢利益概念,並突齣闡明瞭國際政治的現實主義六項原則,全麵而係統地闡述瞭現實主義的國際政治理論,從而奠定瞭國際政治學的學科地位,並使本書成為國際政治學現實主義流派的奠基之作,也是具有代錶性的現實主義國際政治作品,其影響在西方長盛不衰。該書自1948年初版以來已經多次再版,在我國已經有三個譯本流傳,哺育瞭幾代學人。此簡明版原版經過作者的學生和研究助理、也是著名的國際關係理論傢肯尼思·湯普森的整理,旨在為相關專業學生提供學習參考,是非常適用的教學參考書。
作者簡介
漢斯·摩根索( Hans J.Morgenthau),1904年生於德國,1923-1927年間先後在柏林大學、法蘭剋福大學和慕尼黑大學主攻法律。後在法蘭剋福從事法律實踐和教學。1937年移居美國,曾任教於紐約布魯剋林學院、堪薩斯城市大學,1943年進入芝加哥大學,成為政治學係副教授、教授,也曾擔任法蘭剋福社會研究所紐約新所的政治科學教授等,並且曾是哥倫比亞大學、哈佛大學、耶魯大學和加州大學的訪問教授。1950-1968年期間擔任芝加哥大學美國對外政策研究中心主任,期間還兼任美國國務院和國防部顧問。除本書外,摩根索的主要著作還有:《國際政治的原則和問題》(1951年)、《捍衛國傢利益》(1951年)、《美國政治的目標》( 1962年)、《政治的睏境》(1958年)、《真理與權力》(1970年)等。肯尼思·湯普森( Kenneth WThompson),美國弗吉尼亞大學威爾遜政府管理和外交事務學院教授,創立並領導瞭弗吉尼亞大學米勒公共事務研究中心。他曾是漢斯·摩根索的學生和研究助理,主要著作有:《國際思想大師》(1980年)、《國際思想之父》(1994年)、《國際關係中的思想流派》(1996年)以及《政治與外交中的傳統和價值觀》(1992年)、《政治現實主義與世界政治危機》(1960年)。
內頁插圖
精彩書評
不論國際政治的最終目的是什麼,權力始終是其直接目標。為權力而鬥爭在時空中無處不在,是一個不可否認的經驗事實。
——漢斯·摩根索《國傢間政治》
從廣泛的知識意義上而言,摩根索打下瞭國際政治的基礎。
——肯尼思·湯普森(《政治現實主義與世界政治危機》)
迄今為止,在流派林立的西方政治理論界,恐怕還沒有一部論著的影響能夠超過摩根索的《國傢間政治》……在40年時間裏,摩根索的理論在西方長盛不衰。
——王緝思(摘自《國傢間政治》1990年中譯本序)
漢斯·摩根索……是美國國際政治學界大師,他的主要著作《國傢間政治》被認為是使國際政治學成為一門獨立的、係統化的社會科學門類的關鍵作品。在他以後,國際政治學的發展又經曆瞭好些個階段,學者們又有不少新的貢獻和跨越,但沒有一個階段和一個學者能夠在實現自己的進步時完全無視摩要索的工作,他們是“站在巨人的肩膀上”完成這種跨越的。
(該書)也是一部係統的教科書,裏麵涉及到古典政治學的基本原理、它們在國際關係中的運用、國際體係的概念和外交的基本原則、歐洲近代國傢間體係的曆史和國際史學傢對它們的總結;這本書像是一部國際政治的“小百科全書”,不論你是否贊成作者的具體結論,通過閱讀你總能夠對國際政治學傢研究的主要對象和基本範圍有一個總體的瞭解,包括國際政治學特有的範疇、術語和常識等。
——王逸舟(《西方國際政治學:曆史和理論》)
目錄
Preface to the Brief Edition
Preface to the Sixth Edition
PART ONE
Theory and Practice of International Polttics
1 A Reajist Tbeory of lnternational Politics
SIX PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL REALISM
2 The Science of International Politics
UNDERSTANDINC INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Different Approaches
Limitations to Understanding
UNDERSTANDING THE PROBLEM OF INTERNATIONAL PEACE
PART TWO
In,tern,ation,al Politics as a Struggle for Power
3 Political Power
WHAT IS POLITICAL POWER?
As Means to the Nation's Ends
Its Nature: Four Distinctions
THE DEP:RECIATION OF POLITICAL POWER
TWO ROOTS OF THE DEPRECIATION OF POLITICAL POWER
Nineteenth-Century Philosophy
The American Experience
THE SCIENCE OF PEACE: CONTEMPORARY UTOPIANISM
4 The Struggle for Power: Policy of the Status Quo
5 The Struggle for Power: Imperialism
WHAT IMPERIALISM IS NOT
ECONOMIC THEORIES OF IMPERIALISM
The Marxist, Liberal, and "Devil" Theories of Imperialism
Criticism of These Theories
DIFFERENT TYPES OF IMPERIALISM
Three Inducements to Imperialism
Victorious War
Lost War
Weakness
Three Goals of Imperialism
World E'mpire
Continental Empire
Local Preponderance
Three Methods of Imperialism
Military Imperialism
Economic Imperialism
Cultural Imperialism
HOW TO DETECT AND COUNTER AN IMPERIALISTIC POLICY
The Problem of Policy: Containment, Appeasement, Fear
The Problem of Detection
6 The Struggle for Power: Policy of Prestige
DIPLOMATIC CEREMONIAL
DISPLAY OF MILITARY FORCE
TWO OBJECTIVES OF THE POLICY OF PRESTIGE
THREE CORRUPTIONS OF THE POLICY OF PRESTIGE
7 The Ideological Element in International Policies
THE NATURE OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
TYPICAL IDEOLOGIES OF FOREIGN POLICIES
ideologies of the Status Quo
Ideologies of Imperialism
Ambiguous Ideologies
THE PROBLEM OF RECOGNITION
PART THREE
National Power
8 The Essence of National Power
WHAT IS NATIONAL POWER?
ROOTS OF MODERN NATIONALISM
Retreat from Nationalism: Apparent and Real
Personal Insecurity and Social Disintegration
9 Elements of National Power
GEOGRAPHY
NATURAL RESOURCES
Food
Raw Materials
The Power of Oil
……
PART FOUR
Limitations of National Power: The Balance of Power
PART FIYE
Limitations of National Power: International Morality and World Public Opinion
PART SIX
Limitations of National Power: International Law
PART SEVEN
International Politics in the Con,temporary World
PART EIGHT
The Problem of Peace: Peace through Limitation,
PART NINE
The Problem of Peace: Peace through Tran,sformation
PART TEN
The Problem of Peace: Peace through Accommodation,
Historical Glossary
Index
精彩書摘
Since size of population is one of the factors upon which national powerrests, and since the power of one nation is always relative to the power of others, the relative size of the population of countries competing for power and,especially, the relative rate of their growth deserve careful attention. A countryinferior in size of population to its competitor will view with alarm a decliningrate of growth if the population of its competitor tends to increase more rapidly.Such has been the situation of France with regard to Germany between 1870and 1940. During that period, the population of France increased by fourmillion, whereas Germany registered a gain of twenty-seven million. While in1800 every seventh European was a Frenchman, in 1930 only every thirteenthwas a Frenchman. In 1940, Cermany had at its disposal about fifteen millionmen fit for military service, whereas France had only five million.On the other hand, ever since the unification in 1870, Germany has viewed some times with alarm, and always with respect, the Russian population figures,which show a greater rate of increase than Germany's. Looking at the situationas it existed at the outbreak of the First World War solely from the point of view of population trends, Cernlany could feel that time was on Russia's side, and France could feel that time was on the side of Germany, while both Austria and Russia, for other reasons already alluded to, could believe that postponement of the conflict would favor the opponent. Thus all the protagonists, with the excephon of Great Britain, had reasons of their own to prefer a war in 1914 to a peaceful settlement which they could not regard as definite, but only as a breathing spell before the unavoidable settling of a ccounts.As the shifts in the distribution of power within Europe in recent history have been roughly duplicated by the changes in population trends, so the emergence of the United States as the great power center of the West, taking the place of Western and Central Europe, can be read in the population figures of the respective countries. In 1870, the population of France as well as of Germany exceeded that of the United States. Yet,in 1940, the population of the United States had increased by 100 million while the combined increase in the populations of France and Germany in the same period amounted to only thirty-one million.It is thus obvious that a nation cannot be the first rank without a populationsufficiently large to create and apply the material implements of nationalpower. On the other hand, it has become obvious only in recent times that alarge population can also exert a drastically negative influence upon nationaJpower. This has happened in so-called underdeveloped nations, such as Indiaand Egypt, whose populations have greatly increased, by virtue of a decrease in the mortality rates,while their food supply did not keep pace with the increase in population,These countrie were continually faced with the therat of famine and with the need to take care of large masses of undernourished and diseased people ,They had to divert scarce resources from the development of their national power to the feeding and cart of ftheir populations,The largeness of their population ,far from being an asset for their national power,is anobstacle to its develppment,For such nations,to bring the number of ther population into harmony with their resources is a necessity ,and if resources population in to its development,For such nations,to bring the number of their cannot be increased,population control is a precondition of national power,,Trends It is obvious from what has been said thus far that in trying to assess the future distribution of power the prediction of population trends plays an important role.
……
前言/序言
權力、衝突與秩序的永恒求索:一部理解國傢行為與全球動態的深刻剖析 我們身處一個由無數國傢構成的復雜網絡之中,每個國傢都懷揣著自身的利益、追求著安全與繁榮,並試圖在這個充滿不確定性的世界舞颱上尋覓一席之地。理解國傢間的互動模式,洞察衝突的根源,探尋通往持久和平的路徑,是關乎全人類福祉的重大課題。本書正是為瞭迴應這一時代命題而生,它以一種宏大而審慎的視角,帶領讀者深入探究“國傢間政治”這一核心議題,勾勒齣權力鬥爭的邏輯,解析和平的脆弱性,並揭示塑造我們所處全球格局的關鍵力量。 本書並非簡單羅列國際事件的年鑒,也非停留在對時事新聞的錶麵描摹。它是一次對國際政治深層結構與內在驅動力的係統性探尋。作者以深厚的理論功底和豐富的曆史洞察,為我們構建瞭一個理解國際關係的基本框架。在這裏,國傢不再是抽象的符號,而是擁有清晰的動機、戰略和行為邏輯的主體。它們在無政府狀態(Anarchy)這一國際體係的基本特徵下,被驅使著去追求權力。這種對權力的追求,既是國傢生存的首要條件,也是其擴張與安全的內在動力。權力,在這裏被視為國傢行動的核心變量,它決定瞭國傢在國際體係中的相對地位,影響著其與他國的互動方式,甚至塑造著國際秩序的形成與演變。 本書的精髓在於,它不僅揭示瞭權力鬥爭的殘酷現實,更重要的是,它也深刻地探討瞭“和平”的本質與可能性。權力鬥爭並非注定導嚮永恒的戰爭,而是存在著走嚮穩定的可能性。作者敏銳地捕捉到,在權力競爭的縫隙中,也孕育著閤作的種子。國傢並非完全孤立的個體,它們之間存在著共同的利益,例如經濟繁榮、區域穩定,甚至是對共同威脅的應對。這些共同利益,為跨越權力鴻溝的閤作提供瞭基礎。本書詳細剖析瞭實現和平的多種途徑,從力量平衡(Balance of Power)的微妙製衡,到集體安全(Collective Security)的機製構建,再到國際製度(International Institutions)的規範約束,都得到瞭深入的探討。它讓我們看到,即使在充滿競爭的世界,理性與智慧依然能夠為構建更穩定、更和平的國際環境貢獻力量。 在“國傢間政治”這個廣闊的領域中,本書聚焦於“權力鬥爭”與“和平”這兩個核心矛盾。它審視瞭曆史上的經典案例,從古典時代的城邦爭霸,到近代民族國傢的崛起,再到兩次世界大戰的慘痛教訓,無不印證著權力鬥爭的普遍性。然而,作者並未止步於此,而是著眼於如何從這些鬥爭中汲取智慧,尋找通往持久和平的道路。本書深入分析瞭威懾(Deterrence)理論在維護戰略平衡中的作用,探討瞭外交(Diplomacy)在化解危機、構建共識中的關鍵地位,以及國際法(International Law)在規範國傢行為、約束權力濫用方麵的作用。 本書之所以能夠成為理解國傢間政治的經典之作,在於其獨特的分析視角和深刻的洞察力。它認識到,國際關係的研究不能僅僅停留在現象層麵,而必須深入到其背後的邏輯和動機。權力,作為國際政治的“硬通貨”,其運作機製是理解一切國傢行為的關鍵。無論是一個大國的崛起,一個地區的緊張局勢,還是國際組織的作用,都離不開對權力的考量。作者以一種冷靜而客觀的態度,分析瞭不同類型權力的特徵,如軍事力量、經濟實力、意識形態影響力等,並探討瞭它們在相互作用中如何影響國傢決策和戰略選擇。 與此同時,本書對“和平”的探討也並非理想化的空談,而是建立在對現實政治深刻理解的基礎之上。它承認,和平的實現是一個艱難而持續的過程,需要付齣巨大的努力和智慧。本書詳盡地分析瞭導緻衝突的根源,包括資源爭奪、意識形態分歧、民族主義情緒的膨脹、曆史遺留問題等,並在此基礎上,探討瞭剋服這些障礙、實現和平的策略。它強調瞭對話與溝通的重要性,指齣即使在最激烈的對峙中,保持溝通渠道的暢通也至關重要。同時,它也關注瞭經濟相互依存、文化交流等“軟性”因素在促進和平中的作用,認為這些因素能夠潛移默化地增進國傢間的理解與信任。 “簡明版”的定位,使得本書在保持學術深度和廣度的同時,更加注重內容的精煉與提煉。它旨在為廣大讀者提供一個清晰、易懂且具有啓發性的指南,幫助他們快速掌握國傢間政治的核心概念和基本原理。本書的語言風格嚴謹而不失可讀性,理論分析與案例研究相結閤,使得抽象的政治理論變得生動具體。對於任何希望深入理解當前全球局勢,洞察國傢行為背後的邏輯,以及思考未來國際和平走嚮的讀者而言,本書都將是一份不可或缺的寶貴資源。 本書的內容涵蓋瞭國際關係理論的多個重要流派,但其核心價值在於其整閤性的分析框架。它既吸收瞭現實主義(Realism)對權力與國傢利益的強調,也藉鑒瞭自由主義(Liberalism)對製度與閤作的關注,同時不迴避對建構主義(Constructivism)等其他視角的探討。這種多元化的視角,使得本書能夠更全麵、更立體地呈現國傢間政治的復雜圖景。 總而言之,本書是一次關於權力、衝突與和平的深刻哲學反思,也是一次對國際關係實踐的冷靜觀察。它鼓勵讀者以一種批判性的思維去審視世界,去理解那些驅動著國傢行為的力量,去探尋那些能夠將我們引嚮更穩定、更持久和平的道路。在充滿變數的國際環境中,本書提供的知識和洞察,無疑將是每一位關心世界未來的人士的寶貴財富。它不僅是一本學術著作,更是一份對人類共同命運的思考與呼喚。