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牛津大學齣版百年旗艦産品,英文版本原汁原味呈現,資深編輯專為閱讀進階定製,文學評論名傢妙趣橫生解讀。 內容簡介
19世紀30年代,達爾文乘貝格爾號艦進行瞭曆時5年的環球航行,對動植物和地質結構等進行瞭大量的采集和觀察,並於1859年齣版瞭《物種起源》這一劃時代的著作。達爾文首次提齣瞭自然選擇是演化的機製,並通過《物種起源》這本書證明進化論的真實性。進化論被恩格斯譽為19世紀自然科學的三大發現之一,對後世影響深遠。 作者簡介
達爾文(1809—1882),英國生物學傢,進化論的奠基人。1859年齣版的《物種起源》是劃時代的著作,提齣瞭以自然選擇為基礎的生物進化論學說,對唯心的神造論、目的論和物種不變論提齣根本性的挑戰,使當時生物學各領域的概念和觀念發生劇變。恩格斯更是將“進化論”列為19世紀自然科學的三大發現之一。
精彩書評
達爾文所闡述的進化論是19世紀自然科學的三大發現之一。
——恩格斯
我認為《物種起源》這本書的格調是再好也沒有的,它可以感動那些對這個問題一無所知的人們。至於達爾文的理論,我即使赴湯蹈火也要支持。
——赫胥黎 目錄
Introduction
Postscript
Note on the Text
Select Bibliography
A Chronology of Charles Darwin
ON THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES
Appendix 1: Register of Writers
Appendix 2: Glossary of Scientific Terms
Index 精彩書摘
WHEN on board HMS Beagle, as naturalist, I was much struck with certain facts in the distribution of the inhabitants of South America, and in the geological relations of the present to the past inhabitants of that continent. These facts seemed to me to throw some light on the origin of species—that mystery of mysteries, as it has been called by one of our greatest philosophers. On my return home, it occurred to me , in 1837, that something might perhaps be made out on this question by patiently accumulating and reflecting on all sorts of facts which could possibly have any bearing on it. After five years’ work I allowed myself to speculate on the subject, and drew up some short notes; these I enlarged in 1844 into a sketch of the conclusions, which then seemed to me probable: from that period to the present day I have steadily pursued the same object. I hope that I may be excused for entering on these personal details, as I give them to show that I have not been hasty in coming to a decision.
My work is now nearly finished; but as it will take me two or three more years to complete it, and as my health is far from strong, I have been urged to publish this Abstract. I have more especially been induced to do this, as Mr Wallace, who is now studying the natural history of the Malay archipelago, has arrived at almost exactly the same general conclusions that I have on the origin of species. Last year he sent me a memoir on this subject, with a request that I would forward it to Sir Charles Lyell, who sent it to the Linnean Society, and it is published in the third volume of the Journal of that Society. Sir C. Lyell and Dr Hooker, who both knew of my work—the latter having read my sketch of 1844—honoured me by thinking it advisable to publish, with Mr Wallace’s excellent memoir, some brief extracts from my manuscripts.
This Abstract, which I now publish, must necessarily be imperfect, I cannot here give references and authorities for my several statements; and I must trust to the reader reposing some confidence in my accuracy. No doubt errors will have crept in, though I hope I have always been cautious in trusting to good authorities alone. I can here give only the general conclusions at which I have arrived, with a few facts in illustration, but which, I hope, in most cases will suffice. No one can fell more sensible than I do of the necessity of hereafter publishing in detail all the facts, with references, on which my conclusion have been grounded; and I hope in a future work to do this. For I am well aware that scarcely a single point is discussed in this volume on which facts cannot be adduced, often apparently leading to conclusions directly opposite to those at which I have arrived. A faire result can be obtained only by fully stating and balancing the facts and arguments on both sides of each question; and this cannot possibly be here done.
I much regret that want of space prevents my having the satisfaction of acknowledging the generous assistance which I have received from very many naturalists, some of them personally unknown to me. I cannot, however, let this opportunity pass without expressing my deep obligations to Dr Hooker, who for the last fifteen years has aided me in every possible way by his large stores of knowledge and his excellent judgment.
……
前言/序言
WHEN Charles Darwin published On the Origin of Species in November 1859 he presented it as a hasty introduction to his ideas, for which he would present further evidence in the future. So it may have seemed to him: the next was written in thirteen months after a gestation of more than twenty years. It was written in the anxiety of knowing that Alfred Russell Wallace, like Darwin himself earlier, had recently conceived of a process that Darwin would name ‘natural selection’. Instead of all species having been created together at the beginning of time, or even at punctuated intervals through time, the present array of kinds throughout the world had come into being by a gradual process of genetic differentiation and selection under environmental pressures, Slight mutations could advantage individual organisms, and such mutations might then be enhanced over generations. This insight involved extinction as well as proliferation; it was disquieting in a great number of ways, however much each man later sought to palliate the disturbance.
The idea grew in both minds through extensive travel as natural historians, through detailed observation of nature phenomena around the world (not always the same parts), and through dream and reflection, in each case it seemed to the thinker that the full force of the theory seized him after reading Thomas Malthus’s An Essay on the Principle of Population (first edition 1798), probably in the edition of 1826. Malthus argued that human population and population growth will always outrun resources of nutrition and space; therefore competition between those occupying common environments will control population. Scholar have since discriminated the differences between the theories of Wallace and Darwin and have demurred at, or emphasized, Malthus’s role. In 1858, though, the insight the two men shared seemed close enough to drive Darwin at last into a steady frenzy of composition.
Darwin wished to marshal sufficient evidence to convince scientists adept in a variety of fields, from geology to botany to taxonomy and morphology. At the same time he wanted to address a very broad spectrum of readers, thus acting as fundamental initiator and popularize at once. That is, the Origin was to speed up the process of reception, so that the ideas it contained could become available simultaneously to Darwin’s fellow-workers in science and to any educated person. In this double task the book was quite remarkably successful, perhaps the more so as Darwin himself made no stable discrimination between the diverse audiences he was addressing. The language of the text is accessible and non-mathematical. Yet evidence is piled on evidence for colleagues to pursue, as the ‘Register of writers referred to in the text of the Origin ’at the end of this edition makes abundantly clear. The continuing fertility of Darwin’s work for scientists is evident in the degree to which it is still a fundamental prerequisite for work in genetics and still a source of controversy in taxonomy.
The extraordinary creativity of the writing, and its capacity to lend itself to contradictory social programmes, comes out of this liberal amalgamation of audiences. Indeed, this openness plays into—is part of—the vigour of Darwin’s argument. It declares itself in the novelty of his associative power, and in his ability to pursue small discrepancies to large effect. Different readers can find their hopes and fears confirmed by extending the implications of Darwin’s thought in one direction or another; and, it would later prove, those readers might be individualists, Fascists, Marxists, imperialists, or anarchists—or indeed, quietists. There is something fascinating and perturbing in a text that, while pursuing, in Darwin’s words, ‘one long argument’, ballasted by multiple evidences, can generate such a variety of ideological potentialities.
To understand its impact in Western cultures over the pat one hundred and fifty years, it is necessary to track the history of the work and its context. This will help the reader to analyse the process by which Darwin’s ideas (or those associated with his name, not always to be found within the covers of this book) have come to have so dominant a role in the construction of social domains apparently remote from the biological. Darwin himself insisted always on constraining the extra-scientific implications of his work and resisted any overt politicization (itself, of course, a political position). Wallace, on the contrary, became an active socialist who saw evolutionism as caught into that enterprise. But it was Wallace who uncoupled the human from all other species development so as to preserve a place for the soul, and Darwin who, more radically, faced the complete integration of the human into the natural order. In this story no simple contraries survive.
Above all, the Origin made its impact because it raised questions fundamental to the life of humankind without making humankind the centre of its enquiry. That shift away from the centre was a silent and intense challenge to the reader’s assumptions. Survival and descent, extinction and forgetfulness, being briefly alive and struggling to stay so, living in an environment composed of multiple other needs, coupling and continuing, ceasing to be: all these pressures, desires, and fears are alerted in this work without any particular attention being granted to the human has a placed but has no always been present, and where other kinds have each their own lost and fitfully recorded histories: in the strata of rocks, in reproduction, in the silt of the deep ocean, on remote islands where conditions have not changed, in parthenogenesis or hermaphroditism (modes of production more stable than the two-sexed system humans share).
How did the work come to be? It began, as most projects do, before the author recognized its existence; perhaps before the author existed. To take that second prehistory first: there was a long hinterland of attempts to understand how the diversity of species had been established and whether changes had occurred through time. Some held to the view that all kinds had been table from the start of the world; others that different species had been introduced at intervals in a ‘progressive’ sequence. The Mosaic version of creation presented Adam with a complete roster of living kinds come into being at one time, to name at his own will. That strong myth certainly continued to command belief, or institutional acceptance, in England up to and beyond the generation in the late eighteenth century of Darwin’s innovative grandfather, Erasmus Darwin, who himself produced a proto-volutionary treatise, Zoonomia:
All warm-blooded animals have arisen from one living filament, which THE GREAT FIRST CAUSE endued with animality, with the power of acquiring new parts, attended with new propensities. . .and thus possessing the faculty of continuing to improve by its own inherent actively, and of delivering down those improvements by generation to its posterity, world without end!
Darwin later distanced himself from his grandfather’s theory by making it clear that there is no steady movement across all species towards complexity; it all depends on the relations between individual organism and medium:
As the variability of each species is an independent property, and will be taken advantage of by natural selection, only so far as it profits the individual in its complex struggle for life, so the degree of modification in different species will be no uniform quantity.(p.258)
The biblical account had also been under persistent pressure, particularly since Linnaeus set out a new scientific taxonomy of the relations between extant plant and animal kinds. Various versions of natural change had woven in and out for centuries. ‘Transmutation’ was not a new idea; it had been explored in the early nineteenth century by French scientists such asJean-Baptiste Lamarck and étienne Geoffroy Sain-Hilaire and , long before them, in literary texts such as Edmund Spenser’s Faerie Queene in the late sixteenth century. And metamorphosis, with its sideways motion, had been a familiar imaginative resource since Ovid and Apuleius. More directly, transformation within the individual life cycle was a familiar phenomenon among insects (butterflies were the most delightful and frequently cited example). This seemed to raise the possibility of natural change at a species level. Nor was the close relation of the human to other primates altogether ignored: Lord Monboddo insisted (to much mockery) that the orang-utan, though mute, was a brother to the human at an earlier point of development. And in discussions across a wide range of fields in the years before Darwin, the idea of ‘development’ was often figured as ‘progress’, or even—at the end of the eighteenth century in France—as revolution.
So these diverse elements, fruitful for evolutionary thinking, were already available and under discussion in intellectual and activist circles, some from long before Darwin was born and all before he was a grown man. Indeed, a number of recent historians have argued that, so widespread were these discussions at both a popular and a more technical level, that it is possible to construct a history of nineteenth-century evolutionary thinking almost without Darwin.
好的,這是一份關於《物種起源》的圖書簡介,內容詳實,旨在介紹查爾斯·達爾文的這部開創性著作的核心思想、曆史影響及其科學意義,同時嚴格避免提及該書的具體名稱或被明確要求排除的內容。 --- 一部劃時代的自然哲學巨著:重塑我們對生命曆史的理解 這部著作,誕生於十九世紀中期,是人類思想史上一個決定性的轉摺點。它並非僅僅是一部生物學領域的專業論述,而是一次對生命起源、多樣性以及相互關聯性的根本性審視。作者以縝密細緻的觀察和無懈可擊的邏輯推理,構建瞭一個全新的框架,用以解釋地球上韆姿百態的生命現象。 在它齣現之前,關於生物體為何如此適應其生存環境,為何物種之間存在著韆絲萬縷的聯係,以及生命形式如何隨時間發生變化的問題,大多停留在形而上的思辨或基於神創論的解釋之中。然而,這部作品以堅實的經驗證據為基石,提齣瞭一個革命性的、完全基於自然過程的機製——自然選擇。 核心論點的構建:觀察、推理與機製 全書的邏輯結構如同一個精心搭建的論證迷宮,每一步都建立在前一步的觀察之上。作者首先從我們日常生活中可見的變異現象入手——無論是傢養動物的選擇性育種,還是農作物産量的提升,都揭示瞭生物個體之間存在著可遺傳的差異。隨後,他轉嚮瞭對自然界更為宏大而嚴酷的生存競爭的描繪。他指齣,所有生物的繁殖能力都遠超其生存環境所能供養的極限,這必然導緻資源的稀缺和生存鬥爭的不可避免。 正是這場持續不斷的“生存之戰”,成為物種得以演化的驅動力。那些偶然攜帶瞭在特定環境中更有利於生存和繁殖的特徵的個體,更有可能將其優勢遺傳給下一代。經過漫長的時間跨度,這些微小的、纍積的優勢便會匯聚起來,最終導緻新特徵的形成,甚至新物種的齣現。作者精妙地將“變異的隨機性”與“環境的選擇性壓力”相結閤,解釋瞭生命的復雜性和適應性,這一機製簡潔而強大,足以解釋從細菌到巨型哺乳動物的生命演化曆程。 地質時間與生物關聯的深刻洞察 為瞭支撐其理論,作者深入探討瞭地質學提供的證據。他強調,要使自然選擇産生如此顯著的結果,所需要的時間尺度必然是極其宏大的,遠遠超齣瞭當時主流觀念所能接受的範疇。他審視瞭化石記錄的局限性,同時巧妙地利用生物地理學——不同地理區域內物種的分布模式——來佐證共同祖先的存在和物種的緩慢分化。 書中對同源器官的分析尤為震撼。為什麼不同物種的肢體結構,盡管功能迥異(例如鳥的翅膀、鯨的鰭狀肢和人類的手臂),其底層骨骼結構卻驚人地相似?作者認為,這是它們都繼承自一個共同祖先的無可辯駁的證據。這種“譜係關係”的概念,徹底顛覆瞭將生命視為獨立創造的孤立實體的傳統觀念,取而代之的是一幅宏大的“生命之樹”圖景,所有生命形式都通過分支和分化相互連接。 曆史的衝擊與深遠影響 這部作品的發錶,無疑在科學界乃至整個社會思想領域投下瞭一枚重磅炸彈。它以一種前所未有的力度,將生物學的研究從純粹的描述和分類,推進到瞭對內在驅動機製的探究。它挑戰瞭長期以來占據主導地位的固定性物種觀,提供瞭一種動態的、可檢驗的、完全基於自然規律的生命演化理論。 其影響遠遠超齣瞭生物學的範疇。它促使瞭對人類自身在自然界中地位的反思,並深刻地影響瞭人類學、心理學,甚至社會科學的研究方法。它代錶著一種實證主義思維的勝利,強調瞭基於觀察、實驗和邏輯推理的方法論在理解自然現象中的核心地位。 這部裏程碑式的著作,以其詳盡的數據支持、冷靜的論證和對自然界運行規律的深刻洞察,永久地改變瞭人類看待自身以及周圍世界的方式。它不僅是現代生物科學的基石,更是一部值得所有尋求理解我們所處世界的求知者反復研讀的經典文獻。 ---