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Francis Fukuyama

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具體描述

The New York Times bestselling author of The Origins of Political Order offers a provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for domestic and international affairs of state

In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people,” who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.

Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by narrower forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious “identity liberalism” of college campuses, and the emergence of white nationalism. Populist nationalism, said to be rooted in economic motivation, actually springs from the demand for recognition and therefore cannot simply be satisfied by economic means. The demand for identity cannot be transcended; we must begin to shape identity in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy.

Identity is an urgent and necessary book―a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict.

用戶評價

評分☆☆☆☆☆

##當今左派的問題是從多元滑嚮相對，從而使得身份政治更加碎片化，喪失溝通、團結右翼底層的能力；右翼的問題是民粹化嚴重，民族(幾乎是白人種族主義)和宗教被政治野心傢利用，使得共和黨被茶黨填塞，建製派幾乎喪失議政能力。加之社交網絡加劇的撕裂，維係民主政治穩定性的中左、中右勢力幾乎被摧毀。福山在最後試圖提齣以普世價值的信條來重塑天然、偶在的“身份”，並在民族身份上著墨甚多，想通過同化移民來解決民族身份認同的問題，甚至在歐盟和美國提齣瞭一些具體的移民政策。這種倡議或許隻是超國傢層麵的一廂情願，但對於如何係統性地解決一國內國的問題，如美國的右翼民粹承受的經濟、社會、文化的整體性失落，福山的迴應潦草而簡略“緩解其對工作、收入、安全的擔憂”，但正如他所承認的那樣，右翼民粹的身份認同並不完全是經濟驅動的。

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##囫圇吞棗，一知半解地讀過。身份政治、尊嚴等概念可以應用到管孩子上，孩子並不會因為你給瞭他吃喝，好的生活條件，他就會感激歸順於你，他有自己的身份認同尊嚴，管孩子要考慮他內部外部自我，否則光生氣責罵完全不管用。

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##用這個邏輯是不是也能justify，democracy是某鍋中産或受高等教育liberal尋求thymos的工具，過度挑戰nationalism話語對底層群眾不利？

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##一度在好像有點道理和皺眉之間橫跳，更多的時候就純粹是一種索然無味也許是政治學的stroke對讀慣瞭更nuanced的人類學的taste來說有點太粗瞭言必從gj，可行性層麵談論問題，感覺在聽西方zf內部辯論讀完這個想去讀點graeber緩緩，可行不一定可行，但it feels right. ---------------（分割綫）看完reversing roe滾迴來加星????‍♀️ 殘酷的世道麵前有什麼理想主義可言 dystopia裏麵討論什麼utopia 每個人都能有塊遮羞布地活下去就不錯瞭

評分☆☆☆☆☆

##隻能算是他想要搞清的問題的第一章。追溯身份的政治哲學起源，最終聯係起個人與政治的關係，而當代民主製度也由此誕生。但人們其實沒有在尊嚴上達成共識。因為它寄托於道德實踐中，也就成瞭它既是錶象又是問題根源的復雜性，而背後施加影響的是社會。上升到國傢層麵之後，他在認可其必要星的同時揭示瞭時代背景下身份政治産生的四個問題。我想身份政治其實是不幸淪為貧富分化的一個cry baby瞭，吸引瞭過多的注意力。所以福山錶揚瞭奧巴馬醫保，可惜醫保又遭遇身份政治的反噬。如何改善？他提齣要構建新的國傢身份，不以狹義個體的自然屬性或宗教方嚮來界定的（聽起來也挺危險，理論搞不好就會像他說的赫爾曼和他的老師亨廷頓瞭）。他的一份藥方是公共教育。PS，我愛他提及瞭神話和科幻作品，我在想美學教育是不是藥方裏的一味成分？

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##用“身份政治”來解釋HK廢青暴動，倒是很貼切。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

##居然中信沒搶著中譯本，著實驚訝。