The New York Times bestselling author of The Origins of Political Order offers a provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for domestic and international affairs of state
In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people,” who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.
Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by narrower forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious “identity liberalism” of college campuses, and the emergence of white nationalism. Populist nationalism, said to be rooted in economic motivation, actually springs from the demand for recognition and therefore cannot simply be satisfied by economic means. The demand for identity cannot be transcended; we must begin to shape identity in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy.
Identity is an urgent and necessary book―a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict.
##當今左派的問題是從多元滑嚮相對,從而使得身份政治更加碎片化,喪失溝通、團結右翼底層的能力;右翼的問題是民粹化嚴重,民族(幾乎是白人種族主義)和宗教被政治野心傢利用,使得共和黨被茶黨填塞,建製派幾乎喪失議政能力。加之社交網絡加劇的撕裂,維係民主政治穩定性的中左、中右勢力幾乎被摧毀。福山在最後試圖提齣以普世價值的信條來重塑天然、偶在的“身份”,並在民族身份上著墨甚多,想通過同化移民來解決民族身份認同的問題,甚至在歐盟和美國提齣瞭一些具體的移民政策。這種倡議或許隻是超國傢層麵的一廂情願,但對於如何係統性地解決一國內國的問題,如美國的右翼民粹承受的經濟、社會、文化的整體性失落,福山的迴應潦草而簡略“緩解其對工作、收入、安全的擔憂”,但正如他所承認的那樣,右翼民粹的身份認同並不完全是經濟驅動的。
評分##雖然作者一直在強調identify 和 recognition的重要性和獨立性,但是還是隱隱的感覺全球化帶來的財富分化和歐洲的經濟停滯纔是identity politics 發生的根本原因。但是確實正如作者講得,身份政治具有經濟根源,但是一旦被激活其本身就像堡壘一樣變得非常堅固,人們腦子裏築起的牆很難再被推倒。 但是作者的藥方還是有點蒼白啊......
評分##Fukuyama的厚顔無恥簡直令人震驚
評分##能用階級矛盾解釋的問題 披上身份的外皮
評分##End of self-esteem = birth of government. ???? #論節操的自治
評分##用“身份政治”來解釋HK廢青暴動,倒是很貼切。
評分##囫圇吞棗,一知半解地讀過。身份政治、尊嚴等概念可以應用到管孩子上,孩子並不會因為你給瞭他吃喝,好的生活條件,他就會感激歸順於你,他有自己的身份認同尊嚴,管孩子要考慮他內部外部自我,否則光生氣責罵完全不管用。
評分從福山個人思想脈絡看,是迴應美國政治現實之作,也延續瞭曆史終結與政治秩序的分析框架,隻是為之補充瞭心理學(精神分析)的論證;他認為市場與文化領域中的衝突取代瞭政治上的鬥爭,但顯然近年來這一趨勢發生瞭逆轉,福山試圖重新錨定自己的論斷。從議題本身而言,福山采納瞭泰勒《本真性倫理》的基本框架與觀點,將身份政治界定為尋求尊嚴的鬥爭(科耶夫與黑格爾),內含自我本真的産生、尋求承認的渴望以及承認的民主化、普遍化。以此討論瞭個人主義與宗教、民族主義的伴生共存的根源,身份政治引發的社會衝突(種族、宗教、性彆、恐怖主義與移民議題以及無名者的悲慘狀態),集中分析瞭身份政治在民族認同、國傢身份構建中的意義及美國與歐洲的現實之道。
評分##前四分之三很精彩,把哲學、社會學、心理學等等統一到瞭Identity的框架下來解釋曆史如何一步步走到當下。最後提齣解決方案的時候卻有點力不從心,頂層設計的理想大過社會現實與人性弱點。全球化和互聯網是人類從未麵對過的挑戰,隻能hope for the best, prepare for the worst瞭。
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